A CONSTITUTIONAL BIRTHRIGHT: THE STATE, PARENTAGE, AND THE RIGHTS OF NEWBORN PERSONS

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http://uclalawreview.org/pdf/56-4-1.pdf

James G. Dwyer, Family law professor, William and Mary

Abstract

State parentage laws, dictating who a newborn child’s first legal parents will be, have been the subject of constitutional challenges in several U.S. Supreme Court and many lower court decisions. All of those decisions, however, have focused on constitutional rights of adults (especially unwed biological fathers) who wish to become, or to avoid becoming, legal parents. Neither courts nor legal scholars have considered whether the children have any constitutional rights that constrain legislatures and courts in deciding which adults will be their legal parents. If a state enacted a parentage law that said, for example, that any child born to a birth mother who already had two children would be placed in a parent-child relationship at birth with applicants for adoption rather than with the birth mother, would that infringe on any constitutional right of the child? Or would the birth mother be the only person with standing to challenge the law? Such a law would be purely hypothetical in the U.S. (though not far from reality in some other parts of the world). But the actual current parentage laws in the United States, which confer legal parent status in almost all instances on biological parents, with no regard for fitness, also have a seriously adverse affect on a subset of children—specifically, children whose birth parents are manifestly unfit to raise children, as evidenced by serious child maltreatment histories, criminal records, substance abuse, mental illness, and/or imprisonment. This Article is the first to consider whether states violate a constitutional right of some children when their parentage laws consign the children to legal relationships with, and into the custody of, adults whom the state knows to be unfit. It identifies opportunities for children’s advocates to advance constitutional challenges to state parentage laws as applied to newborn offspring of adults unfit to parent, and it presents a robust legal theory to underwrite such challenges.

Constitutional Birthright

A significant percentage of children are born to birth parents who are unfit to raise children—evidenced by histories of serious child abuse, violent felonies, mental illness, and/or chronic substance abuse—and who are highly unlikely to become fit within a reasonable period after their offspring’s birth.

Congress has, in the past dozen years, pushed states to be more proactive in protecting these babies from maltreatment by conditioning certain federal grants on states making various changes to their child protection laws. In particular, Congress has pushed states to terminate parental rights immediately, without first undertaking extensive rehabilitation efforts, in the worst cases of birth parent unfitness, so that the babies can enter good adoptive homes. However, state legislatures have not enacted all the statutory provisions necessary to accomplish this aim, and the state institutions charged with administering child protection laws—namely, child protection agencies and juvenile courts—are highly resistant to terminating parental rights before children incur serious maltreatment and/or prolonged foster care stays. In addition, following the Supreme Court’s decision in Deshaney v. Winnebago County Department of Social Services,4 which rejected on state action grounds a constitutional tort suit against a negligent child protection agency, there is no constitutional lever to force child protection agencies to act more aggressively, pursuant to child maltreatment laws, to protect newborns at high risk of maltreatment. In short, the problem of protecting babies born to grossly unfit parents appears intractable.

What legal advocates for children and legal scholars have overlooked, however, is the potential for attacking the problem further upstream, by advancing a constitutional challenge not to child protection laws or agency inaction, but to parentage statutes. Enactment and enforcement of state statutes conferring legal parent status on biological parents without regard to fitness, thereby forcing a substantial number of newborn babies to be in intimate associations with people the state knows to be unfit to parent, clearly constitutes state action and is the root cause of great harm to these children. Newborn babies must have a constitutional right against state legislatures placing them into legal family relationships with adults whom the state knows (by virtue of state child abuse and criminal registries, reports of fetal drug exposure, and prison records) to be dangerous to them.

In fact, much legal scholarship and judicial decision making has been devoted to the constitutionality of parentage laws. But almost all of it has focused on the constitutional rights of adults: either adults who want to be legal parents but are denied the opportunity, or adults who do not want to be legal parents yet have that status thrust upon them.5 What little consideration there has been of children’s constitutional rights in connection with parentage has been limited to older children who seek but are denied legal protection for an already established and healthy social parent-child relationship that they have with an adult who is not a legal parent.6 There has been no consideration of whether newborn children have any constitutional rights in connection with this legal action that largely determines the fundamental quality of their entire lives, including a right to avoid a legal parent-child relationship that is very bad for them, leaving them free to enter into a legal relationship with adults who would be good caregivers. This Article is the first to do so.

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Parental rights are not inalienable

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Here in the USA there is far too much attention given to the doctrine of parental rights and children are suffering for this. Our family laws granting parents so much power rest solely on patriarchal custom, not on ethics and not on an inalienable right. It doesn’t hurt that our judges are just as infatuated with the supernatural as the most uneducated people in the land.

Family law Professor James Dwyer presents the arguments against our current doctrine of parent’s rights in a seminal paper and in his books. Briefly, we do not grant rights to one group of people over the lives of another group of people except in this very unique case of parents and their children. The reason such rights are not granted is that according to our legal theory rights can only apply to an individual and must be self determining not other determining. Rights have a very technical meaning in the law, but people bandy the term around as though they actually know what they are talking about.

We especially should not grant such rights to a group of people who have questionable self serving motives, such as insuring the survival of a religion and using their children as instruments in such a scheme. This is why the Yoder decision will one day be reversed. If we can ever clear out the people like Thomas and Scalia and put the court on a progressive track.

Inalianable: Natural rights (or inalienable rights) are rights which are not contingent upon the laws, customs, or beliefs of a particular society or polity. In contrast, legal rights (sometimes also called civil rights) are rights conveyed by a particular legal or political entity, rights as enshrined in law, and as such are contingent upon local laws, customs, or beliefs. Natural rights are thus necessarily universal, whereas legal rights are culturally and politically relative.

Inalienable rights are usually enshrined in human rights declarations. I don’t find anything about parental rights being inalienable in the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Obviously, Michael Ferris of HSLDA agrees that our parental rights doctrine is on shaky ground or why would his organization ParentalRights.org be clamoring to amend the US constitution to “protect” parental rights. Which like I say do not exist in the sense of natural rights. What he and his devious attorneys attempt to persuade people with are quotes from legal arguments they take out of context from various court decisions. People who are not constitutional lawyers buy his line. Then, convinced the evil state is trying to rob them of their rights, they get all up in arms and send him money, which is the whole point. He stands as much chance of amending the constitution as I do.

The Swedes, some of the planets most bold social engineers, have created many far reaching laws concerning parent/child relationships. Libertarians, may all swoon now, but the Swedes seem to be doing pretty well as a society. You should know that by now.

Here is some news about how Swedes are going about amending their laws on sex ed.

http://www.thelocal.se/10298/20080306

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Global progress towards banning all corporal punishment of children

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http://www.endcorporalpunishment.org/pages/progress/global.html

From End Corporal Punishment official web site. In the following text the hypertext links, italicized, are deactivated. Please visit the web site.

Legal reforms to prohibit all corporal punishment of children – in the family home as well as in schools and other institutions and penal systems – are spreading fast.

In many states the law provides defences for parents, other carers and teachers who use corporal punishment to discipline children: provisions which allow “reasonable chastisement” or “lawful correction”. In addition there may be education laws providing for corporal punishment in schools and laws allowing corporal punishment in penal institutions and as a sentence of the courts.

Law reform to end corporal punishment involves removing any provisions authorising corporal punishment and removing any special defences that may exist, so that the criminal law on assault applies equally to any assault of a child, whether or not it is described as discipline. It is a fundamental principle of human rights – upheld in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, article 7 and in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, article 26 – that all are entitled to equal protection of the law without discrimination.

In some states the law is silent on corporal punishment of children, but nevertheless it is socially and legally accepted and therefore explicit prohibition is required.

Click (active link at the web site) for the latest summary information on progress towards universal prohibition, and selected facts and figures on states pursuing reform and states so far resisting.

Click (active link at the web site) for information of legislation in states which have achieved full prohibition.

Worldwide, corporal punishment in schools has been prohibited in at least 108 states. But at least 78 states have not prohibited corporal punishment as a disciplinary measure in penal institutions for children in conflict with the law, and 43 have not prohibited it as a judicial sentence of the courts for young people convicted of an offence.

Our online global table shows data for all states and dependent territories on the extent of prohibition in three categories: Home; School; Penal system. Listed alphabetically, select from below :

TABLE A-D | TABLE E-H | TABLE I-L | TABLE M-P | TABLE Q-T | TABLE U-Z (active links at the web site)

Also available from the table are individual reports for each state, with details of laws relating to corporal punishment in the home, schools, penal system and alternative care settings, as well as summaries of prevalence research and extracts from recommendations made by human rights treaty bodies. Click here for individual state reports.

Our global and regional tables, available as PDF files (updated August 2009), summarise the extent of prohibition in the home, schools, as a sentence for crime, as a disciplinary measure in penal institutions, and in alternative care settings. Download from here:

[Please visit the web site for latest data]

This analysis has been compiled from information from governmental and non-governmental sources, including reports on implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Every effort is made to maintain its accuracy. Please send us updating information and details of sources for missing information: info@endcorporalpunishment.org.

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Our current doctrine of parents rights is unfair to children

Family law professor James G. Dwyer has written extensively on this question. Here is a link to one of his articles (later picked up and included in his book, “Religious Schools v. The Rights of Childen”.

A synopsis follows:

THE CHILDREN WE ABANDON:
RELIGIOUS EXEMPTION TO CHILD WELFARE AND EDUCATION LAWS AS
DENIALS OF EQUAL PROTECTION TO CHILDREN OF RELIGIOUS OBJECTORS

James G. Dwyer*

[Abstract]

The story of children who die because their parents, in observation of their own religious principles, withhold conventional medical treatment from them is a familiar one. In this Article, James G. Dwyer shows that the phenomenon of parents denying secular benefits to children goes far beyond those few highly publicized cases, extending into the realm of education as well as medical care. Moreover, Dr. Dwyer shows that the federal and state governments endorse this practice by statutorily exempting `religious objector’ parents from otherwise generally applicable compulsory child care and education laws. He argues that courts addressing such exemptions, in emphasizing the parents’ free exercise rights, have failed to observe that they infringe upon the children’s equal protection rights. These children, solely because of their parents beliefs, do not receive the same legal protections from harm (for instance, inferior health care and an inferior education) that other groups of children receive. After describing in detail the types of discrimination that religious exemptions to child welfare laws inflict upon these children, Dr. Dwyer considers how each element of an equal protection analysis would apply to these exemptions. He concludes ultimately that very few, if any, of the exemptions should survive an equal protection challenge. – a conclusion with radical practical implications, particularly with regard to the educational system in this country. Finally, the author discusses the practical impediments to bringing equal protection claims, especially the fact that neither the parents nor the children themselves are likely to raise and support them, and proposes methods by which courts might nevertheless hear these claims. Go here for more of the article:

For current reports of children who die because of medical neglect and other news of religiously inspired child abuse Perry Bulwer maintains their sad stories here.

Around the world there are communities and groups that choose to withdraw and work outside the structure established by society. Children raised in these communities or groups may sometimes be denied basic human rights that we take for granted. The Safe Passage Foundation provides advocacy and support for children raised in such environments.

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